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A Visit to South Africa

by John Hospers

John Hospers is a professor of philosophy at the  University of Southern California. Los Angeles. He is the author of numerous  books, several anthologies, and more than one hundred essays in journals and  encyclopedias.

This article recounts experiences from Professor  Hospers’ six-week stay in South Africa last summer.

The media create a misleading impression of life in South Africa. It’s not  that what they report is untrue; it is what they decline to report that distorts  the picture.

I spent part of July and all of August 1986 in South Africa, under the  auspices of the Free Market Foundation of South Africa, giving lectures and  seminars at a dozen universities in Pretoria, Johannesburg, Cape Town,  Stellen-bosch, Durban, and Pietermaritzburg, as well as Namibia (Southwest  Africa) and Umtata (in the “independent republic” of Transkei). I spoke with  many people of various races and walks of life, and visited numerous areas, from  rural black school districts to the private palace of the Anglo-American Oil  Company. I walked the streets of cities for hours, meeting people and talking  with them, trying to capture the ambience of each place and to sort out what  were the sources of strife as well as of harmony, who was to blame for what, and  how the problems could be solved or ameliorated.

Economic Inequality

To the outside world, the key word to describe what is wrong in South Africa  is apartheid, which means simply that the races live apart. But apartheid  by itself has very little to do with the current unrest in South Africa. If  members of various races live apart by choice, little can be said against it; it  is forcibly living apart that is objectionable. This still occurs in  South Africa, notably in suburban enclaves like Soweto near Johannesburg: blacks  work in Johannesburg by day but must return to their dwellings in Soweto at  night. Yet a great deal of apartheid has been changed since my earlier visit in  1983.

• A few years ago, theaters, some shops, and all restaurants were segregated.  Now they are integrated, and few people seem to think anything of it.

• The mixed-marriage laws and pass laws have been repealed.

• Black families live in apartments in Johannesburg and other cities  alongside whites, going to the same shopping places and films and living their  lives much as whites do. When you walk the streets of the posh northern suburbs  of Johannesburg, you see almost as many blacks as whites, going to work and  entering and leaving their homes. This is strictly illegal, but nothing is done  about it.

• Formerly the government built tract-housing for black settlements and  rented them to black families. Now those families for the most part have 99-year leases, and for all practical purposes the homes belong to them.  The result is a great increase in beautification—lawns, gardens, trees and  shrubbery, newly painted houses—which always accompanies private ownership.

Yet the legalization of mixed marriages, integration of public places, and the abolition of the pass laws have had a much less positive effect than the white population assumed they would. This, I think, is because the basic cause of unrest has not been touched by these measures. Blacks do not give first priority to social relations with whites. What affects them most is the unfairness of the laws and regulations which do not permit them to compete economically on an equal basis with whites or even with Indians. The desire to rise in life, and to provide adequate support for one’s family, is constantly frustrated by the legal system. If apartheid were continued but economic opportunities for the races were equal, the current unrest would largely subside. But blacks are held back by government controls:

“If a white person wants to open a fish and chip shop in a white  area, all he has to do is fill in a form, find a zoned business site, and sign a  lease with the landlord. If he complies with health regulations, he is entitled  to sell fish and chips. No one must approve of him as a person; no questions are  asked about his nationality, competence, resources, or language. No bureaucrat  decides if there is adequate ‘need and desirability’ for such a shop. Simply  because he is a white in a white area, he is entitled as a right to run a fish  and chip shop or almost any other business or industry.

“For a black, the situation is very different. Before he can open a fish and  chip shop in Soweto, he has to ask an official for a site. The official may or  may not grant his request, for reasons which he need not disclose. He may say “yes” because he likes the applicant, or is related to him, or because he has  received a sufficiently generous bribe. He may say “no” for equally subjective  reasons. Once the site has been granted, the potential entrepreneur has to apply  to another official for a license. This may or may not be issued, for similar  reasons. Then on to the health officials. And the building inspectors . . .  until, many months and hundreds of rands later, he might be turned down for  unspecified reasons.

“South African blacks today have no experience with laws which are equally  applicable to all regardless of sex, creed, or color. What they experience now,  from day to day, is arbitrary rule by men, a system which by its nature is rife  with both real and suspected corruption. No self- respecting human being can be  subjected to such a system without feeling frustrated or angry.” (Leon Louw and  Frances Kendall, South Africa: The Solution, pp. 61-62. Amagi  Publications Ltd., 1986).

An end to such discriminatory legislation would solve a large part of South  Africa’s problems in one stroke. Whether the government is at the moment  prepared to do this is doubtful; but circumstances may yet force its hand.

The result would be beneficial to whites as well, for it would remove the  enormous tax burden of caring for blacks at government expense. Six million  taxpayers in a total population of 32 million sustain the entire remainder in a  huge welfare state. South Africa is a ¾ socialist state, providing (however  inadequately) for the daily needs of black housing, health, and education, at an  enormous and ever-increasing cost. The facilities are far from equal, of course:  black education is markedly inferior to white, in spite of vast increases of  money spent on it—an increase of 2600 per cent for next year alone, I was told  in Pretoria, enough to bankrupt the national treasury in a few years. (There  are, of course, some black taxpayers as well, and the 12 per cent sales tax, up  from 6 per cent three years ago, is imposed equally on everyone who buys goods.)  Many urban blacks, however, are tired of being “cared for”—they want to make it  on their own. What they suffer from is black socialism—being treated like  children who cannot take care of themselves.

The irony is that blacks tend to associate the present system with  capitalism, and therefore condemn it, often embracing socialism as the system  that will cure their ills—little realizing that it is socialism that they have  been suffering from all along, and that capitalism is their only means of rising  out of their present situation, creating industries and jobs and allowing  persons to rise to the limit of their abilities.

The government educational system is enormously frustrating to both whites  and blacks. A school building is built in a black development; soon the windows  are broken and the building vandalized. The government rebuilds it, and the same  thing happens again. How often are the taxpayers of South Africa supposed to  repeat this procedure? Whites are inclined to argue, “If that’s what they want  to do, let them stay in their own mess.”

But why do blacks do this? Because they see education as largely irrelevant  to their needs. If at the end of schooling you can’t get a decent job, the  argument seems to be what’s the use of education? Then one might as well destroy  the buildings which are the symbols of what is being forced upon them. These  actions are a response to black socialism, to which they have been subjected by  the white government; but socialism is not the way they identify it. They  identify it as a manifestation of white capitalism. Therein lies the tragedy.

The Clash of Cultures

The outside world pictures the blacks of South Africa as one unified force,  opposed to whites and Indians. In fact, however, blacks are deeply divided along  tribal lines. The Zulu dislikes and is suspicious of the Xhosa, the Xhosa  dislikes the bushman, and so on, far more than any of them fears or dislikes the  whites. Were it not for police intervention, there would be tribal wars and  massacres as there have been for thousands of years.

Most blacks are quite non-political; they are much more interested in meeting  their daily needs than in political action. They will not rise up against the  whites unless they can be whipped into a frenzy by outside agitators. They are  inclined to be easy-going, fairly passive, “mellow”—quite unlike the “edginess” experienced between the races in America. Violence is usually initiated by  teenagers and children, whose parents are ashamed for them and apologize in the  strongest terms for their behavior.

Most blacks who work for whites tend to be content with their lot. They are  employed, and at much higher wages than they could obtain elsewhere. They will  defend the whites against blacks of other tribes, toward whom they are openly  hostile.

I was a guest at a dinner at which a black man was seated, and the black  cook, after inquiring where he was from and what tribe he belonged to, refused  to serve him at table. She continued in this refusal even though her job was on  the line. She considered serving whites to be her proper place, but she would  have no truck with blacks of other tribes. She was somewhat reminiscent of the  housekeepers in the old American South, as in Gone With the Wind.

One might say, of course, that blacks should not be in such a servile  position. But economic non-discrimination would be the cure for that: as  opportunities increased, fewer would accept servile jobs. But at present, with  limited training and job opportunities (thanks to black socialism), the  arrangement appears to be quite acceptable, indeed advantageous, to both blacks  and whites.

Most rural blacks live much as they have lived for centuries, their tribal  customs unchanged, the principal change in their lives being white medicine,  modern homes, and the sale of their crops and wares to white customers. At the  other extreme, a small percentage of blacks have become quite Westernized; these  are the ones we see on American television. Between these extremes are the  semi-urbanized blacks, with one foot in each culture—a background of tribal  customs which goes with them constantly even while they are attempting to  compete with white laborers in the job market. The lot of this third group is  the most painful and trying—somewhat Westernized, yet unable to compete  successfully in the white man’s world.

Given a free enterprise economy, many of them would become able  entrepreneurs. Some of them already are, in spite of the system: 1 met black  landscapers and construction men who hired other blacks to lay tile and build  swimming pools and maintain lawns and gardens, and these were affluent by any  standard. These, of course, were the rare excep-tions-and they had no use for  political agitation. Most blacks, however, are still victims of the system,  unable to make a good life for themselves. They care about their own chances of  achieving a decent living much more than having a vote: When I asked “What would  you rather have, the right to vote or an extra thousand rand a year?” the answer  was always the same, and perfectly obvious.

The degree of tribalism, and the strength of tribal customs, are quite  unfathomed in the West, and are never shown on American television, although  tribalism is the most potent force in Africa. The following are only a few  examples of many (purposely diverse in character), told to me by white  university professors, white missionaries and social workers, as well as by  urban blacks.

• A man disappears from his home in a black settlement. The opposing  tribesman who has killed him conceals his body in the refrigerator and each day  he cuts off a piece and eats it. (Often he eats only the heart and the liver.)  This is a common practice called “muti.”

• A man comes home to find himself suddenly accused by other tribesmen of  theft or adultery (whether truly or falsely). He is pummeled to death or fatally  stabbed on the spot, while others dance over his corpse. Life is very cheap in  Africa.

• A girl has had two sons, strong healthy children. A third son is born, but  is dead within a few days. “What happened?” asks a white missionary. “He just  died.” The next year another son is born. “This time I will take care of him,” says the missionary, and does so till the child is six months old, at which time  the missionary has to leave, and places the child carefully in his mother’s  hands. When the missionary returns a few days later the new son is dead, again  without explanation. The reason turns out to be that a third son is a liability  to a family, and is killed. The first son takes over from his father; the second  son is there to do so if something happens to the first son; but the third son  if he later marries must present a dowry (unlike India, the dowry is contributed  by the husband’s family), and this often breaks the family financially. It is  easier just to kill him.

• Most black education is performed by rote: a teacher simply reads out of a  textbook. One geography teacher decides to explain the text instead of just  reading it. But his pupils still fail the matriculation test at the end of the  term. The students get together and decide that it’s the teacher’s fault for not  going strictly by the text. They take the teacher out and kill him.

• At the home where I stayed in Johannesburg, the black caretaker was quietly  reliable, like most African blacks more interested in tending the house than in  the future of South Africa. His predecessor in the job, however, had not been so  fortunate: blacks from another tribe had seen him crossing a bridge one night,  tied him up, lit a fire under him, and burned him to death.

White vs. Black?

Hundreds of tales like this are well known to both whites and blacks. They  make many whites fear integration in the cities: with such tribal savagery so  close to the surface, how could we but fear for our children going out at night? “Of course there has to be apartheid.” Yet the victims of these brutalities are  almost always blacks, not whites. And people with a long oral tradition do not  part in a few years with the thousand-year-old habits and customs of their  ancestors.

The white man’s world is still strange and alien to those who live in the  bush. “Let me take you to any black village,” one lady said to me, “and I  guarantee you will be a hero—as long as you can keep telling them stories about  the world outside. They will revere you and defend you, and for years afterward  they will tell tales about their great honor in having a white visitor from  another land.”

There is, indeed, a great reservoir of good will between the races in South  Africa—much more than in the United States. I sensed this in the stories, on the  streets, in endless conversations. Most blacks do not consider the white man  their enemy. Some whites consider blacks to be slow and lazy—and of course some  are; but a much more plausible conclusion is that the black is more deliberate,  with less of a sense of urgency. He can remember incredibly detailed  instructions without writing them down (the long oral tradition facilitates  this).

Ten years ago all truck drivers in South Africa were white; today they are  virtually all black, and doing a better job of it. There are many black trade  unions, black mining engineers, black doctors and dentists. More South African  blacks own cars than there are privately owned cars in the Soviet Union. Even  so, the African black is still new to the technological civilization that the  whites have built around him: South Africa’s incomparable roads and skyscrapers,  its mining and processing technology, its system of distribution and supply, are  the equal of anything in the West. Blacks have been the beneficiaries of  this civilization in the form of a higher standard of living and medical care  than they would have had otherwise, but thus far they have not been sufficiently  permitted to participate in it.

What of those who do not want to participate in it, but to remain with their  tribal customs in the bush? One is surely inclined to say, “Then they should not  be forced to be a part of the white man’s civilization.” They should not be  forced to adapt to the white man’ s world if they choose not to. But there is  one touchy problem here: what part should the white man’s law, derived from  Europe, play in the black man’s culture? To a large extent the white man’s law  lets tribal custom go its way without interference. Yet in known cases of ritual  murder or human sacrifice, shouldn’t the perpetrators of such acts be arrested  and charged with murder?

If the law does not intervene, the world will say that white law enforcers do  not care about human lives as long as they are the lives of blacks. If the law  does intervene, headlines will scream round the world, “White policemen molest  blacks in South Africa.” Whether the law takes the attitude of “let it be” to  tribal customs, or whether it attempts to intervene at least in the clearest  cases of tribal savagery, either way it will be the loser in world opinion.

The Solution?

Perhaps the greatest mistake in South African history was the creation of one  nation, the Union of South Africa. With such deep cultural and moral divisions,  how could one nation ever be generated from such a mix? Those who came to  America came largely from Europe, and shared a European culture and morality.  But those who came together in Africa had no such common bond.

What then is the solution? A very plausible one has been proposed by Leon  Louw and his wife Frances Kendall in their book South, Africa: The  Solution, which is now the No. 1 best seller in South Africa and has been  read by cabinet ministers and referred to by the Prime Minister himself, and is  creating a great ferment in the entire country. Many whites who had planned to  leave South Africa have stayed because of the book. They now see hope in the  book’s proposed canton system, like the one Switzerland has had for eight  centuries.

The nation would be subdivided into semi-autonomous states or provinces,  divided along roughly tribal boundaries. There would be a very limited central  government concerned only with a few matters such as currency and national  defense, but the laws would vary from province to province. Some whites, of  course, would have to move if they didn’t like the laws of the largely black  province they were in, and the same with blacks. But moving about is preferable  to civil war.

Provinces with a free enterprise economy would soon be more prosperous than  socialist provinces that might exist nearby, and would attract more people  toward them. Meanwhile a national constitution would prohibit discrimination on  grounds of race, color, gender, or religion, would ensure a universal franchise,  would protect property rights and civil liberties, and guarantee freedom of  movement and association.

“One person, one vote” is chanted by many Westerners who know little about  South Africa. Those in the bush do not know what a vote is. For those who do, it  means going along with what the chief says: a black lady I spoke with had been  wronged by her chief, but kept insisting “You can’t go against your chief,” indicating that I simply did not understand. Many whites fear that with a  five-to-one majority blacks will vote for anyone who promises them the  advantages that white civilization has achieved, without knowing yet how to  sustain it. They fear a future of “one man, one vote, once.”

What most whites fear is that, given unlimited and centralised political  power of the kind that whites have held and abused, blacks will evict whites  from their homes, nationalise their businesses and loot their property in an  orgy of redistribution and revenge. But there is a good deal of evidence to  suggest that this fear is more imagined than real.

True, there are many articulate political leaders who speak openly about the  day of reckoning when AZAPO would restore the land to its “original owners,” and  the ANC to “those who work it” in terms of the Freedom Charter. A handful would  like to see a fully-fledged Marxist dictatorship with no private property at  all. But the majority of blacks seem to want no more than the removal of all  barriers to black advancement and enfranchisement. . . .

None of the four independent homelands have adopted the policies whites most  fear. They have all repealed all race laws, but none have espoused Marxism.  Bophutha-tswana and Ciskei have recently taken major steps to free their  economies. . . . (Louw and Kendall, South Africa: The Solution, pp.  168-9.)

One advantage of Louw and Kendall’s solution is that economic freedom would  come first—hopefully at once; and then, when there are a number of prosperous  black entrepreneurs, they will not vote to Sovietize South Africa, for by that  time they will have a stake in their country and will have too much to lose.

Threats from the Outside

White South Africans have watched closely the fate of the “developing  nations” of Africa. They have seen one nation after another turned into a  one-party state—dictatorships in which the fruits of white civilization were  promised to all, property confiscated, billions going into the dictator’s Swiss  bank account, the rest redistributed in a vast welfare scheme in which there was  no “welfare” because without incentives there soon was nothing left to  distribute.

Successive dictatorships in Uganda, Tan-zania, and other central African  nations have killed millions of people. Mozambique, once a prosperous nation  under Portuguese rule, is now an economic basket case. In the midst of rich  natural resources and good soil, hunger and starvation are now rampant, the  economy totally destroyed, and hordes of starving families cross the border into  South Africa to find food and sanctuary.

Zimbabwe is already in effect a one-party state, whose dictator, Mugabe, is  systematically exterminating the minority tribe, the Matabeles. In Zimbabwe  today there are no jobs to be had: I talked with several illegal aliens from  Zimbabwe who worked as gardeners and small tradesmen in Johannesburg, sending  their wages back to Zimbabwe to support a dozen or more family members and  relatives.

Refugees from other nations continue to pour into South Africa; even with  racial discrimination they can earn many times ‘what they can in their home  countries, when they find employment there at all. Without South Africa many of  these people literally would starve.

South Africans wonder why the world has a special animosity towards them.  Every time there is even a small amount of violence—often genuine but sometimes  staged for the benefit of cameramen who have placed themselves in a convenient  location—it is highlighted that night on the world’s television screens.

When thousands are slaughtered in Uganda or Zaire, no cameramen are there to  record it, and it passes almost unnoticed. “If there are no pictures, there’s no  news”—and thus America knows nothing of Soviet labor camps or Vietnamese “re-education centers,” for no one is permitted to come close enough to  photograph them.

Yet it is South Africa, still a relatively open society in spite of  censorship, that comes in for selective indignation. Perhaps it is because “more  is expected” of white people than of black. But is that not itself a form of  racism?

Why should nations in the Soviet orbit receive preferential trading  conditions while South Africa is punished? Why does Zimbabwe, a police state in  which a single comment against the government can result in imprisonment  incommunicado for six months or more (we were warned before entering Zimbabwe to  think what we wished, but to say nothing), still receive American aid, while  sanctions are imposed on South Africa? Racial problems in the United States took  centuries to resolve, and are not entirely resolved to this day, yet South  Africa is expected to solve its problems by tomorrow morning.

A professor from the Netherlands gave a series of lectures at the University  of the Witwatersrand when I was also lecturing there, and was notified by his  home university that because he had spoken in South Africa his academic tenure  would be broken. South Africans cannot get passports to many European nations  because of its “racist policies,” but dignitaries from other nations which are  slaughterhouses have no troubles in this regard. “If you impose sanctions,” I  was asked, “why don’t you do it across the board, first to countries that  systematically kill all dissidents?”

I spent a week in Namibia, where everyone is officially in favor of  independence from South Africa. (Namibia has had no apartheid for ten years, but  this has made little difference: only economic opportunity can offer  advancement.) Yet more than half the Namibian economy is sustained by  transfusions from South Africa.

The Namibian Minister of Transport in Windhoek showed me a huge map  projecting his favorite dream: a railroad going from Walvis Bay on the west  coast, east through Namibia and Botswana, ending in Zimbabwe: “then we could be  independent of South Africa.” Unfortunately the building costs of this project  would amount to well over a billion rand, and where would such an infusion of  capital come from but South Africa, whose G.N.P. is more than that of all the  other nations of Africa combined? Similarly, the impressive University of Umtata  in the black republic of Transkei, where I gave three lectures, was built  entirely courtesy of the South African taxpayers.

Yet South Africans are well aware of international threats. Armed insurgents  from Angola continue to harass the residents of northern Namibia, though the  influence of SWAPO seems to be on the decline: the Ovambi tribesmen (over 60 per  cent of the population of Namibia) don’t want their property nationalized, and  the word has finally got through that that’s what SWAPO is all about. Today an  Angolan infiltrator into their midst can figure on a life-expectancy of no more  than a week (So I was told in a military briefing in Windhoek to which I was  invited, along with French and German diplomats.)

But conditions along the border with Mozambique have not similarly improved.  Soviet-financed terrorists continue to make armed raids into South Africa. In  the northern province of Venda, the chief fear of native families is not from  South Africa but from Mozambique: terrorists capture children in school or on  the way home, kidnap them and take them back into Mozambique, and they never are  seen again. When the South African army retaliates by raiding terrorist bases in  Mozambique, it is excoriated in the international press for venturing outside  its borders.

South Africans follow closely the progress of Soviet trouble-making in  Africa—the killing of dissidents and minorities (to fan racial hatreds), the  slaughter and systematic starvation of innocents, the random imprisonments, and  the kidnaping of children, taking them through Dares-Salaam to Siberia or North  Korea to give them training in terrorist tactics against South Africa.

The African National Congress (ANC) is a divided organization. Some of its  members desire only racial equality in South Africa. But the majority—so believe  most of those with whom I spoke—do not want any improvement of conditions in  South Africa: They want things to get worse, so that the entire social fabric of  South Africa will be destroyed in a civil war and a new communist nation founded  on the ashes of the present one. As for Nelson Mandela, the usual view was “if  he is released he won’t last a week unless he turns to Butholezi” (the moderate  Zulu chief, who may be the main hope for South Africa, but is seldom mentioned  on American television)—because Tambo (head of the ANC) would not tolerate any  competition for his leadership.

If civil war should come, it will be instigated by outsiders bent on the  destruction of the entire society (including all races), not from within—this  was the verdict of virtually everyone with whom I spoke.

As one surveys the thousands of people walking the streets of Cape Town and  Durban and Johannesburg, one finds it difficult to imagine how a black take-over  would ever be attempted, or how it could succeed if it were. Here are thousands  of black faces expressing no hatred or resentment or malevolence; these are  people going about the daily business of life, under conditions which in spite  of world headlines are gradually improving. Further improvements, such as  deregulation and the abolition of discriminatory legislation, could be initiated  tomorrow by act of Parliament. Others, such as satisfactory education for black  youths, would take many years to achieve, and probably cannot be achieved at all  through the public school system.

Reflecting on all this, I thought of the black shopkeeper in nearby Randburg,  with whom I talked often, helpful to a fault, who bore no ill will toward  anyone: ten years ago a white customer would have been unlikely to shop at a  store serviced by blacks, but no more. I thought of the white plumber I spoke  with, who still goes alone to Soweto every working day to install pipes and  bathrooms, with no fears for his safety. I thought of the white South African  soldiers on leave entering a bar in Durban, not joining other white soldiers  from the Transvaal for a drink because they preferred to drink with their black  Durban friends.

The world underestimates the residual good will between the races in South  Africa, which makes the streets of South Africa safer than those of any large  American city. The very existence of this benevolent attitude is difficult to  believe by those who are the victims of selective reporting by the American  media, but theawareness of it is inescapable once one has tasted everyday life  in South Africa as it is actually lived, not as it is contrived by reporters who  report only the outbreaks of violence.

The Effects of Sanctions

Many nations have imposed sanctions against South Africa in a show of moral  indignation against apartheid. The sanctions are an attempt to punish South  African whites; in fact, however, it will punish principally South African  blacks. As one foreign company after another pulls out of South Africa, there  will be massive unemployment—and who will be the first to be unemployed? The  unskilled laborers, of course—and at the moment these are mostly blacks. They  are the ones who will suffer the brunt of the foreigners’ indignation.

Many foreigners know this, of course, but they appeal to what they think is  the will of their constituencies (fanned by selective media coverage). Talk is  cheap, and the foreigners will be no worse off because of black poverty in South  Africa which their actions will cause. They may even feel a pleasing tinge of  moral righteousness for doing what they do—they have spoken their piece, and the  consequences will not fall on them. The very persons they officially wish  to help are the ones who will suffer the most. Many people will starve because  of the imposition of sanctions.

Sanctions will also seal the fate of the thousands of blacks who pour into  South Africa from the economically depressed nations to the north. They will be  sent back to their native countries, since there will be no more jobs for them  in South Africa. What will happen to the starving hordes pouring in from  Mozambique, who now flee into South Africa for food and sanctuary’? After  sanctions, they will no longer be able to be absorbed into the South African  labor force, and will be forced to return to the nations from which they have  fled.

Dr. Christian Barnard of Cape Town, the originator of heart transplant  surgery, recently wrote in the Sunday Times (Johannesburg, August 3):

Starvation means more than just pangs in the belly. It is the terrible agony  of a body literally cannibalizing its own tissues as it fights off death.  Perhaps you think you’ve seen it all on television documentaries of famine. Be  assured that the reality cannot be captured on film. There is a stink to  starvation that doesn’t show on a television screen, it assaults the nostrils  and revolts the stomach—a smell you can never forget: the stench of obscenity.  Never mind all the other uses of the word. Once you see a starving child you  know the real meaning of obscenity—a condition which is an affront to all  humanity.

It is then that another emotion takes over—anger; a kind of white-hot fury at  the conditions which allowed this to happen. There is a need to look for a  target—to find something to smash, someone to blame. . . . I feel that anger  when I read of churchmen who call for economic sanctions. I try to believe that,  like the Roman soldiers who crucified Christ, they know not what they  do.

But belief comes hard when you consider that those who ask for the bread to  be taken out of the mouths of other people’s children know their own will never  suffer. No churchman’s salary will stop when trade comes to a halt. Priests and  prelates, like the lilies of the field, toil not for their cash. It comes to  them on a silver plate. And it keeps coming whether the stock market rises or  falls. When the sanctions bite, no one will knock on the door to repossess the  furniture. The cars in the garage will be safe and the church will not call in  the mortgage on the rectory, the manse or the deanery. Bishops will be safe,  too. Princes of the church live in palaces where sanctions don’t apply. Church  walls are thick. Especially high church where they build monuments of dead stone  to a living God. It’s hard to hear the cries of the unfed when you’re  inside.

Southern Africa is home to more than 60 million people. A quarter of the  population are below the age of 14. Let me spell it out. Sanctions, which is  just another word for starvation, will place 15 million children under the  threat of famine. Politicians throughout the world have voted for this appalling  project, but nobody asked the children . . .

I can offer sanctions-loving churchmen a thought. It is a short step from  being the Lord’s Anointed to believing oneself God’s Mouthpiece, but would the  Almighty really risk the life of a single child—just to replace a white Caesar  with a black one?

What is needed, of course, is an increase in the number of available jobs;  but as long as sanctions are in effect, any such increase will be impossible.  Without capitalism (including free trade) a nation cannot enjoy the fruits of  capitalism—prosperity. “The fruits we require,” wrote Barlow Rand chairman Mike  Rosholt in the Pretoria News (July 11), “will have to be in the form of a  very much larger cake than we have ever been able to produce, even in relatively  good economic times, because it will have to fund the reforms already announced  to produce a considerable backlog of jobs and to satisfy black demands for a  more equitable distribution of national income. All this without permanently  damaging the private sector and killing all individual initiative. We shall  certainly not produce that larger cake in the recessionary conditions we now  face.”

The Prospects

What South Africa now needs is economic prosperity, a prosperity that will be  impossible as long as sanctions continue. With growing prosperity, an  improvement in the lot of the blacks would come, particularly in the wake of  deregulation and decentralization—something the government has not proceeded  with fast enough, but which the necessities of peaceful survival will  increasingly force upon it.

Meanwhile, the future is clouded. With foreign backing, the ANC will be  strong enough to plant bombs in the cities and create conditions of terror which  will bring all improvements to a halt. With enough foreign assistance, such  organizations will in time be able to make South Africa at least as  uncomfortable as Northern Ireland. Then there may be enough violence to satisfy  even the international media—and the billion or so dollars per year that the  Soviet Union spends on the disruption of South Africa may prove to have been  well worth the price they have paid to bring it about.

Regulation and Productivity

Overregulation Is Making the United States Increasingly Non-Competitive
by John Hospers

People don’t enjoy having their lives regulated, whether they are children  rebelling against parental commands or adults whose actions are subject to  legislation by government. Still, don’t we need regulators with coercive power  such as only government has? What would happen if everyone could, without  penalty, forge checks, violate contracts, dump poisonous wastes into the soil,  and manufacture cars that are accident-prone? The market sometimes regulates  itself, but not always: people will often profit by causing injury and damage to  others.

The problem is that the watchdogs themselves are imperfect. They are  vulnerable to bribery and corruption, and most of all, operate with gross  inefficiency. Moreover, those who are entrusted with positions as watchdogs  often have an inordinate desire to increase their own powers. Regulating others  often gives them more satisfaction than their income does, and they spare no  effort to keep on increasing their own regulatory powers. And often nobody  watches the watchers.

I shall present three examples, deliberately taken from a diverse array of  activities, to illustrate how this problem affects the business community.

1. Environmental Regulation

Not many people set out to make their natural environment dangerous for human  habitation, or desire to render entire species of living things extinct. Laws  are enacted to inhibit those whose actions have this effect. Today, however,  regulations have become so all-encompassing that no business and no landowner  could long survive if all the regulations now on the books were strictly  enforced. For example, there are countless underlings in the Departments of  Interior and Agriculture who are empowered to say to farmers, “That mud puddle  in your back field is hereby declared a wetland,” thus making it no longer  permissible for farmers to cultivate such land although they still continue to  pay taxes on it.

Thousands of letters were sent out in 1993 from the Bureau of Reclamation of  the Department of the Interior, informing the recipients that the Bureau  intended to look for endangered species on their land. What if the landowner  refused to permit such inspection? Then, since the absence of endangered species  could not be confirmed by inspection, uncultivated parcels would be labeled as  habitat for endangered species.

What happens if a piece of land is declared a habitat? Strict controls on use  then come into play. “When the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service had designated a  habitat-study zone, one family lost $60,000 worth of production a year.”[1] Since the zone is off  limits to crops, a farmer cannot replant there. Moreover, banks no longer will  make loans to buy such properties because they are aware that the buyer will not  be able to use the land for planting crops.

Congress passes a law; the “beef” in the law is the enabling clause which  permits the regulatory agency to make whatever regulations it deems necessary  and proper to implement the law. Those who are subjected to the regulations must  obey every one, however trivial or burdensome, or else receive large fines or  even jail sentences. Usually the act is applied by its enforcers beyond the  scope of what was envisioned when the law was passed. Already every landowner is  subject to the intricately detailed provisions of the Clean Air Act, the Clean  Water Act, the Safe Drinking Water Act, the Endangered Species Act, the National  Environmental Policy Management Act, and so on. They are drowning under a flood  of regulations, from which the only benefit may be to the regulators, keeping  them in well-paid positions at the expense of the taxpayers.

The mission of the national Biological Survey is “to catalog everything that  walks, crawls, swims, or flies around this country.” To do this their agents  must be able to enter every parcel of land in the United States—not every  decade, as with the census, but on a continuous basis. “Landowners fear that the  net effect will be to transfer de facto control of thousands more acres  to the federal government.”[2]

2. Housing Regulations

In past decades, prior to the massive interference of the federal government,  inexpensive housing was far less of a problem than it is today. Cheap rooms  could be had, for a dollar or two a week, with no particular amenities and  perhaps a bathroom down the hall shared by several tenants.[3]  But in most cases American cities these “flop-houses” facilities were torn down: “We can’t have people living like that.” The government tore down the building  and built other ones at much higher cost. Most of those who had previously  occupied these buildings could not afford the new ones.

To limit the cost to tenants, rent control measures were initiated, but of  course such controls only prevented new housing from being built, and massive  shortages developed. Who wants to risk losing money on real estate in New York  City? Landlords who can sell do so at a loss and get out.

But rent control is only the most notorious form of regulation. In most  states it is illegal to refuse to rent a room or apartment to someone because he  or she is a welfare recipient: the ultimate threat of the renter whose every  whim is not satisfied is “I’ll report you to the Welfare Board and then you’ll  never be able to use your buildings for rental again!” It is a pervasive desire  of landlords not to rent to welfare recipients; in general, owners say, they  have little sense of responsibility; they are “all rights and no  responsibilities.” Many tend to be slovenly and messy in their personal habits;  they demand privileges not in the contract; they leave lighted cigarettes where  there are no ashtrays, and leave the flushing of toilets to lesser beings.  Landlords do what they can to avoid renting to them, but if they say “I’m  evicting this person because she has dirty habits” they will be told “No, you’re  trying to evict her because she’s on welfare, and that won’t work.”

New regulations are constantly introduced to make ownership of rental  property more burdensome. Every door (in some states) must be equipped with a  large metal rod on a spring so that it will automatically close in case of fire.  (This costs about $50 per door.) With new regulations being continuously  enacted, the landlord’s margin of profit, already precarious, often disappears  entirely. Moreover, it profits the tenants to break some pipes or destroy some  electrical fixtures because they don’t have to pay rent until these are  repaired.[4]

Meanwhile a new state law (in Minnesota,for example) specifies that if the  owner does not pay his entire property tax in the year it is due, the entire  property can be confiscated the following year. (What happens if the owner has a  bad year? The government confiscates the property, and may operate it at a loss,  payable by taxpayers.)

3. Mining

In a recent Roper public opinion poll, people were asked their opinion of  each industry. Of 222 industries, mining ranked next to last; only tobacco fared  worse.[5] But mining was,  and is, more heavily regulated in the United States than in any other industrial  nation.

Mitsubishi Corporation of Japan decided to build a new copper smelter in  Texas City, Texas. Japanese officials were assured by state and federal  officials that all the relevant permits would be issued in 12 to 18 months. The  first application was submitted in June of 1989. Then came three years of  conflict among environmental groups, permitting agencies, and company  management. Air-and-water discharge permits had to be obtained; the U.S. Army  Corps of Engineers had to issue its own permit; and an assortment of permits  from state, county, and city agencies were also required—more than thirty in  all. The Army Corps of Engineers promised a decision within sixty days, but  waited 21 months.

Exhausted by the attrition, Mitsubishi finally cancelled the project. The new  chairman of the Texas Water Commission said that when his permit came up for  review in four years he would demand zero discharge of waste water—technically a  virtually impossible demand. The air discharge permit from the Texas Air Control  Board would take most of a year; building the plant would take another two  years, and less than a year after that the company would be faced with the  zero-discharge requirement. For these reasons Mitsubishi abandoned the project  in March of 1992. They decided to build the identical copper smelter in Japan,  where all the required permits were obtained in 14 days and the plant was built  in 17 months. The president of Key Metals and Minerals Engineering Corporation,  Dr. Thomas Mackey, wrote, “This action ended a marvelous opportunity for the  U.S. to acquire a minimum-pollution energy-efficient modern copper smelter which  would have been strategically located on the Gulf of Mexico’s coast . . . .”[6]

As a result of this and numerous similar incidents, Japan is ahead of the  United States in the development of mining technology. For many years the United  States was a net exporter of copper. Today the United States has been surpassed  in copper production by Chile. Gradually we are becoming non-competitive.

In 1992 the Congress passed a bill which may seem trivial by itself, but  taken together with a mass of similar ones, is a significant straw in the wind  on the future of mining in America. As a result of the new legislation, whenever  your company buys an electric motor you are now required to buy “the most  efficient” one: 96 percent efficiency is now mandated, whereas the earlier  requirement was 94 percent. So what, one might say, what’s a difference of 2  percent? The catch is that it must be 96 percent-efficient when operating at  full speed. The 96 percent efficient motor is more efficient at full speed,  but it has less starting torque. In fact a conveyor belt could never get  started with the newly required motor. But since the 94 percent efficient  motor is no longer permitted, users must now go from a 96 percent-efficient  motor of 100 horsepower to one of 200 horsepower, just to get the motor  started.

Once the 200-horsepower motor is running, it doesn’t require all that extra  energy it can easily do with 100. But since the 100-horsepower motor that would  do the job is now outlawed, it is necessary to use the 200. The extra energy is  wasted, but no other option exists that is not illegal. By contrast, Japan can  still use the 94 percent-efficient motor. American equipment will be more  inefficient and more expensive, thanks to many laws such as this one.

The new law does not save energy—it requires industry to waste energy. It  does its bit to make the United States non-competitive. It is assisting the  gradual process of de-industrializing America.


Regulation—actually, more suitably called “prohibition”—of limited scope is  necessary to prevent people from harming other people, that is, when one person  or group would otherwise violate the rights of others. But the vast majority of  today’s regulations are not of this kind, but could better be called regulation  for regulation’s sake. It is these that are eroding America’s industrial base  and making the United States increasingly non-competitive in the world  economy.

It was not always so: America today would be unrecognizable to those who  lived here a century ago, thanks to the labor and ingenuity of many thousands of  productive individuals—inventors, manufacturers, merchants, farmers, and  countless others employed by them and associated with them. But in the last half  century an opposing force has gathered momentum, threatening to bring these  productive advances gradually to a halt. The conflict is between those who have created this vast array of goods and services, and those whose aim is  to control the creators. Will the economies of other nations, not as  burdened as ours by harassing regulations, replace the United States as the  economic leaders of tomorrow? At present it is far from clear what the outcome  will be. []


  1.    Jeff A. Taylor, “Species Argument,” Reason,  January 1994, p. 53.
  2.    lbid., p. 52.
  3.    See William Tucker, The Excluded Americans:  Homeless and Housing Policies, Regnery-Gateway, 1990, Chapter 4.
  4.    Albert Lee, Slum-lord, Arlington House,  1975.
  5.    Engineering and Mining Journal, December  1993, p. 14.
  6.    Ibid., p. 16-B.


Conversations With Ayn Rand Part 1

by John Hospers

From time to time I had heard Ayn Rand’s name. I had seen a few printed comments on The Fountainhead, but had never read it myself. I had read numerous reviews — mostly unfavorable — of Atlas Shrugged, and determined to make up my own mind by reading it when I was less busy. A cousin in Iowa wrote to me, “If you don’t read anything else this year, read Ayn Rand’s Atlas Shrugged.” I wrote her that I would do so as soon as I had finished writing my ethics book, Human Conduct. (Had I but known, I would have interrupted the writing of this book to read the new novel. But I had no idea then of its relevance to ethics.) The writing took every hour I could spare from classes. But before I had a chance to read Atlas, I read the announcement that Ayn Rand herself would address the student body of Brooklyn College, on “Faith and Force: The Destroyers of the Modern World.”

It was April 1960. I looked forward eagerly to hearing her. Little did I know how much the course of my life would be changed.

I had no substantial disagreement with the lecture, though I would not have come at the subject the same way. I made some notes about assertions that required qualification or should be stated less strongly, though I did not as yet appreciate the context in which her remarks were set.

When I spoke with her afterward and invited her to lunch at once, she accepted without hesitation. Nathan and Barbara Branden, who had brought her, returned to Manhattan. Ayn graciously consented to reserve an hour for discussion with me. That was at 12:30. We were still sitting in a booth at the restaurant at 5:30.

I have some (but far from total) recollection of our discussion. What I remember most vividly were her friendliness, her directness, her passionate intensity. She was totally serious, totally dedicated to ideas. Her dark eyes looked right through you, as if to scan every weakness. I remember that quite early on she said that she could provide a solution to every ethical problem. I was more than usually interested in this assertion.

I presented her with a problem that had recently occurred to me. A father is told by his physician that he had two choices with regard to his small daughter: If she has a serious operation on her leg, she will suffer much pain, but there is a 50 percent chance that eventually she will be able to walk normally; but if she does not have the operation, she will suffer no more pain but one foot will never grow, and she will be on crutches all her life. What should he decide? She admitted at once that she couldn’t answer that one — it represented no choice between principles, only a choice between applications of the same principle (one I would later identify as “rational egoism”).

The solution would depend on certain details resulting from our incomplete knowledge of the situation, rather than on the elaboration of a principle. Recognizing this, I accepted her answer. But that only brought another to my mind: If you are driving and, on rounding a bend, have a choice between hitting a human being or a dog, you would presumably spare the human being. But if the choice was between hitting a stranger and your dog, what should you do? Surely you have more interest in preserving your dog than a person you have never met; and you would grieve more for the dog if it were killed, and so on.

This, she granted at once, was very difficult. There was indeed a conflict of principles here. On a scale of value, a human being is above a dog, for human beings embody many valuable features that dogs do not. On the other hand, on the scale of my value, my dog is more important. I thought she would say without qualification that I should save my own dog, but she didn’t. Was it that certain things should be done, and certain values achieved, regardless of whether they are conducive to my long-range self-interest? Or is it somehow to be made out that in the long run, all things considered, the saving of the stranger will be more to my interest (“no man is an island”), although it may not seem so to me at the moment? If she gave an answer, it was far from clear to me at the time.

But she gave me instant credit for “thinking of ingenious examples.” She did this many times during the course of our developing friendship.

We agreed to meet again at some unspecified future date. Meanwhile, I bought a copy of Atlas Shrugged and started to work through it. I would teach till mid-afternoon, work on my book most of the evening, and read Atlas as long as I could before retiring in the wee hours. I was so excited by it that only a great resolve to go against my inclinations, and an unwillingness to be sleepy that next day, kept me from reading it straight through.

About two weeks went by. I had finished Atlas (comments on it below). I received in the mail an invitation to attend one of the NBI lectures, the one in a series of 20 on aesthetics. I accepted gladly. It was probably the wrong lecture for me to begin with. Had I been asked to attend, for example, the economics lecture, I would have found it a revelation. Economics was virgin territory for me then. But aesthetics was the area where I had done most of my work, including my doctoral dissertation (later published as a book entitled Meaning and Truth in the Arts). I found a lot to criticize in the lecture, even though I found myself in general agreement with principal points in Rand’s aesthetic.

It was the examples that riled me most. I did not like to see Picasso and Faulkner (to take just two examples) relegated to the scrap-heap. Faulkner was no special favorite of mine, but I had a high opinion of his literary artistry and spoke in his defense. I was almost shouted down by members of the audience who apparently considered my action some kind of treason. Hugo and Doestoyevsky were favorites of Rand’s, and mine as well; but we came to loggerheads on Tolstoy. I mentioned in the discussion period that I thought Tolstoy was the keenest observer of details of nature and human behavior that ever wrote, and his ability to provide a rich and vivid impression through the selection of details was probably unequaled in fiction. Ayn responded that the plot in War and Peace was quite disconnected, with events not leading “inevitably or probably” into each other — which I granted was often true in this enormous saga. But I thought that individual scenes, such as Prince Andrey’s encounter with Napoleon, were tremendously vivid and uniquely moving.

After the lecture, I was invited to Ayn’s apartment. Nathan and Barbara were there for a while, but when they left Ayn noticed my copy of Atlas. She saw the notes I had written in the margins — comments for my own future reference, not intended for others to see. Ayn offered at once to exchange my earmarked copy for a new copy, inscribed to me. How could I refuse? “I didn’t necessarily comment on the most important parts,” I said; “I just marked what struck me or appealed to me for one reason or another, often highly personal.” She said that this didn’t matter, she wanted to see what I liked. And she put my copy aside for future reference.

She was in her best mood — more than friendly, full of enthusiasm and radiating benevolence. Before discussing the ideas in Atlas, she wanted to get my impressions of its aesthetic quality. I spent several hours going over this with her. I told her how impressed I was by its intricate structure, with a critical plot development in each of the ten chapters of each part, and a mini-climax at the end of each of the three main parts. I praised the development of the plot from one chapter to the next, the “rising action” as it proceeded from chapter to chapter, the richness accumulating like a snowball always gathering more snow on its downhill course. I showed by examples how a scene that would have been out of place earlier was perfect later, with further developments having intervened. I mentioned how the scenes were a combination of inevitability (given what went before) and surprise when they did occur. I extolled the clarity and vividness of the writing, and how I loved especially the total purposiveness of the work, proceeding without irrelevance like a coiled spring, constantly striving toward a goal. I also praised it as a mystery story — clues being dropped here and there, with rising tension resulting (where were the men going who kept disappearing from the scene?); and I praised the discovery of the motor at Starnesville, the discovery of why it had been abandoned, the whole story of Starnesville as told by the tramp on the train that was heading for its doom in the Colorado tunnel — the action rising to almost unbearable heights of suspense, while at the same time it served a philosophical purpose: how thrilling, how right, how perfectly it worked into the structure and texture of the novel. I mentioned that in other philosophical novels, like Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain, the philosophy was not integrated into the narrative and “stuck out like a sore thumb,” but that in her book they were perfectly integrated; a fusion, not merely a mixture.

She was radiant. I had not expected such a glowing reaction, though I knew that authors enjoy hearing praise of their work. I just assumed that she was getting this from all directions, and that my comments just added a minute amount to the existing pile. I learned only much later that she hardly got such comments at all: that people commenting on her work were either harshly critical, not understanding what she was doing or coming from vastly opposed premises; or they simply sang empty praises, uttering syrupy remarks with nothing for her intellect to bite on. Apparently I had appreciated the very qualities she had endeavored to put into her work. She seemed warmly grateful that I had discussed them at such length with her.

It was after 2 a.m., and we agreed to meet again at her apartment two weeks later.

At our next meeting I resumed the discussion of Atlas. Rearden was my favorite character, because he grows and develops through the pages. I thought her style was clear and eloquent, and more than eloquent in memorable passages like the initial run of the train through the Colorado mountains. But I thought that the parts that sparkled the most, and were the most vibrant with energy, were those in which there was a direct confrontation of ideas, as in Francisco’s encounters with Rearden, the dialogues involving James Taggart, and Francisco’s remarks about money. This was powerful presentation of ideas and high drama at the same time.

I could see the point of having characters with no defects, such as Galt and Dagny, but though there was a philosophic purpose in this I thought it detracted from the characterizations, which in Galt’s case most readers perceived as somewhat unreal. Nor could I fault her decision to make everything end well, though I found the “tragic” parts (such as Wet Nurse’s death) more effective in tapping the emotions. We had some disagreement about “acceptable types of fiction.” I had no objection to “gutter realism” in which a slice of low-life is portrayed, as in Zola’s novels, nor did I demand that the end-effect be inspiring and never depressing, as long as fidelity to human nature was not sacrificed. I admired, for example, Theodore Dreiser’s An American Tragedy and similar works of “naturalistic fiction” for which she had no use at all.

I had nothing but high admiration for Atlas as a paean to economic freedom. I had never thought much about the effect of government intervention in the economy, and I was totally convinced by her descriptions of this. Her economic message in the book hit me like a ton of bricks.

Nor did it take much for me to be convinced by most of her ethical tenets in the book, such as the admiration of independence and integrity, and pride in personal achievement. As a product of a Dutch colony in Iowa in which these virtues were instilled from one’s earliest years, I could resonate to all of this without difficulty. I especially enjoyed her attack on tired cliches like money being the root of all evil. I also shared her denunciation of altruism, if altruism was defined not as generosity (which I considered a fine thing) but as forsaking one’s own interests in order to pursue the interests of others. I hadn’t appreciated how much “love of others” could be appealed to in order to justify the major crimes of history.

She was amused when I told her the “parable of the concert ticket,” then circulating in philosophic discussions: A is given a concert ticket and wants to go to the concert, but being an altruist he gives his ticket to B, who also wants to go. But B is also an altruist, and is equally committed to forsaking what he wants in order to give to others, so B gives his ticket to C. And so on, until just before the concert the ticket goes to someone who doesn’t care for the concert and doesn’t even bother to go.

Other aspects of her ideas in Atlas would come out in future discussions. The philosophic tenets presented in Galt’s speech, for example, were partially (never entirely) chewed over in discussions much later. These things came to the fore in our discussions as the spirit moved. I shall reserve any description of metaphysical and epistemological issues for the second half of this memoir, although in historical fact these discussions were interspersed among our other conversations right from the beginning.

Early in our next meeting we agreed that Garbo was the greatest of the film actresses — an embodiment of intelligence, sensuality, and sensitivity — though Dietrich came in for some discussion, as did Marilyn Monroe, whom Ayn admired not as a sex symbol but as a vulnerable child projecting innocence and vulnerability. This, Ayn thought (and I agreed), was really the secret of her wide appeal.

We lingered fondly on works of art that had meant a great deal to us. We compared notes on plays, films, paintings, and musical compositions. When she said that her favorite dramatist was Schiller, I regretted that I had not known her in time to take her to see Schiller’s Maria Stuart, the best performance of a play (starring Irene Worth and Eva le Gallienne) I had ever seen. It would have been great to introduce Ayn to that experience, to savor the work together.

The following week I did take her to see the full-evening Martha Graham dance Clytemnestra. She was very perceptive about what was going on, though unfamiliar with the medium of modern dance. She liked the dance more than the music, as did I. Frank was ill at the time, and she would take care to make dinner for him before we left, and would rush back afterward to make sure he was all right. Her solicitude for him was touching. But when she made sure he was in satisfactory condition, she returned to the living room and we resumed our conversation.

“Who is your favorite movie director?” was one of the questions she asked, presumably to sound me out as to where my likes and dislikes lay. “Fritz Lang,” I told her at once. She was instantly suspicious. “How did you know?” she said, frowning.

I was puzzled, then grasped what her suspicion was. “I didn’t know,” I said. I told her how as an adolescent in Iowa I had haunted the theater to see Fury, about a mob attacking a courthouse to lynch a man who turned our to be innocent (Spencer Tracy). I told her how I admired most of all Lang’s work Hangmen Also Die, about the World War II occupation of Czechoslovakia: its structural complexity — wheels within wheels, just like Atlas — and how impressed aesthetically I was whenever little hints were dropped here and there and apparently forgotten, but then picked up later when they turned out to be essential to the resolution. She sensed my enthusiasm, and her warmth and vivacity increased as I related to her (as if it were new to her) various hints dropped in Atlas that were picked up and used later on. Apparently her suspicion, that someone had told me who was her favorite director, had vanished. Indeed, in an unexpected burst of warmth, she exclaimed, “Then I love you in the true philosophical sense.” I was too surprised and flattered by this compliment to question what the “true philosophical sense” was.

I found it incomprehensible that she didn’t much like Shakespeare. But I could not disagree with her judgment when I asked her who she thought was the greatest prose artist of the twentieth century. She said “Isak Dinesen.” She didn’t like Dinesen’s sense of life, but thought her a superlative stylist — a judgment in which I concurred. On a subsequent occasion when I brought a copy of Out of Africa and read her a page from it, she was positively glowing. She disliked Dinesen’s pessimism, but loved the economy of means and the always-just-right word selection. When Ayn and I both admired the same work, and compared our reactions to it and the reasons for our admiration — that was a high point of our friendship. During these conversations the rest of the world was left far behind; nothing mattered but our experiences of these works of art. We held them up to the light, slowly rotating them to exhibit their various facets, like precious jewels. Ayn was all aglow when our reactions struck common ground: she was no jaded critic, but had the spontaneous enthusiasm of a little girl, unspoiled by the terminology of sophistication. Even today I treasure these moments, and can hardly think of them without inducing the tear-ducts to flow just a little.

We did get into a bit of a flap about Thomas Wolfe. I had grown up on his novels, and there were passages of his poetic prose that had become so close to me that I had them virtually memorized. I brought a copy of his Of Time and the River one evening and read aloud to Ayn, Nathan and Barbara a passage of about five pages — a part of the description of the young man (Eugene Gant), having left his native North Carolina for the first time, reflecting on his chaotic childhood as the train is pounding away all night through the hills and forests, propelling him forward toward the unknown (his first year at Harvard). I empathized with so much in the passage that I waxed quite emotional in the delivery of it.

When I had finished, Ayn proceeded to decimate it bit by bit. How could I possibly care for such drivel? It was anti-conceptual; it was mystical; it was flowery and overlong. I do not remember the details of the criticism (then as on many other occassions, I wished I had had a tape recorder with me).  I remember that they all seemed to be valid points, and I was somewhat ashamed that my emotional reactions did not jibe with these rational ones. But I defended my favorable verdict on the passage with the observation that Wolfe has a tremendous evocative power, the power to generate very intense emotions by drawing on haunting memories of days past and setting them in the context of the present experience.

And then Barbara came to my aid. She said, very simply, “Wolfe is beautiful music.” And suddenly it struck me how true this was. I thought of Walter Pater, who said that all great art approaches to the condition of music; and how Wolfe is as near as American literature has yet come to creating literary music.

Some of her other preferences I found surprising, almost unbelievable. I could see why she liked Salvador Dali, though I couldn’t see why she preferred him to Picasso. (My own favorite painters were the post-Impressionists — Cezanne, Gauguin, Van Gogh. She had no use for non-representational painting, though I liked Mondrian a lot — and I tried vainly to convince her that a line could be expressive even though that line was no part of a represented person or object.) I was most surprised of all by her musical evaluations. Of the classical composers, she preferred Rachmaninoff and Tchaikovsky, and not much else. I liked them too — I had none of the anti-Romantic bias that was then fashionable — but I was astounded that she didn’t care for Beethoven or Brahms, and that she didn’t like Bach at all. Bach and Handel were my favorites, though almost as much as these I liked certain pre-Bach composers such as Ockegham, William Byrd, De Lassus, Victoria — none of whom she had heard of. I would bring records to her and play parts of them, but her tastes never changed. When she wanted an inspiring musical theme to introduce her new weekly radio program on the Columbia University station, I played for her some candidates: Purcell’s Trumpet Voluntary, prelude to Wagner’s Meistersinger, Handel’s Dettingen Te Deum, introduction to the march from Berlioz’s The Trojans. Of all the pieces prior to the 19th century, she said “These represent a static universe,” and cared to hear no more. So in spite of all my efforts, the final verdict was still Rachmaninoff. (Were these the composers she heard most during her girlhood in Russia, I wondered, and for that reason made the most powerful impression on her? I brought up to her the difference between differing preferences and differing evaluations. But she stuck to the view that her giving Rachmaninoff the number one place among composers was not merely preference but an “objective” evaluation — though, she added, in the case of music she couldn’t prove that the evaluation was the right one.)

We discussed the objective vs. the subjective in art. I suggested to her that a traditional Aristotelian canon such as organic unity was objective in the sense that the unity is actually to be found in the work (though it may need some pointing out), and that an indication of this was that the criterion had survived with variations for over  2,000 years. On the other hand, I said, there are times when it is less appropriate to say “That’s good” than to say “I like it.” For example, I tend to like massive works — Michelangelo’s Sistine Chapel, Bach’s B-Minor Mass. She, on the other hand, despite having written Atlas Shrugged, tended to like works small. She once showed me her study, where she had written the last half of Atlas. It was terribly cramped and small, but that was what she felt comfortable with — “infinite riches in a little room,” I told her. But the room would have given me claustrophobia within an hour.

This was the honeymoon period. There had been no major tensions between us on any issue. I did not have any idea how quickly her ire could rise. I thought we could discuss any subject as dispassionately as we were now discussing the arts.

She kept inviting me back. For many months I was at her apartment about once every two weeks. We would meet around 8 p.m., and usually agree on a cutoff time of midnight. But when midnight came we were always engrossed in a discussion we didn’t want to terminate, and the result was that I seldom left the apartment before 4 a.m. Occasionally we would talk all night, after which she would prepare breakfast for me and I would drive off to Brooklyn in the early hours of the morning.

Whenever I took her out to dinner, she made a point of returning the favor. She and Frank would typically take me to a Russian restaurant. She had no appetite for small talk. Even when I was trying to extricate the car from a tight parking place in front of her apartment, she would be raising philosophical issues. Seated in the restaurant, she would radiate benevolence, but she didn’t go in for jokes or humor — most of which escaped her completely. But once in a great while she would laugh like a schoolgirl. When I told her the tired joke about the two behaviorist psychologists meeting one another, the one saying to the other “You are finehow am I?” she could hardly stop laughing. Apparently the joke exposed in condensed form the heart of a discarded (or eminently discardable) theory. Frank too was caught up in the humor of it. I came to value and respect him more and more — not as an arguer (he couldn’t do it, he left that department to her) but as a warm, benevolent human being with all the right instincts, and a largely unappreciated (at that time) artistic ability. I have nothing but good memories of him.

At Ayn’s suggestion I bought a copy of Henry Hazlitt’s Economics in One Lesson and it transformed my entire thinking about economics (not that I had done much thinking about it before). She gave me a copy of von Mises’ Socialism and I devoured that also. (She explained to me that she would not autograph gifts of books, if those books had been written by others.) Here I was the student and she the teacher. Though the conversation always turned to ethical implications, Ayn was not bothered if I asked her purely economic questions. I may have been the only person who learned free-enterprise economics personally from Ayn Rand. Much of her political philosophy had already come through to me in reading Atlas, but the conversations with her amplified it enormously. I had never given enough thought to political philosophy, and my conception of it (in relation to ethics) could have been summarized much as follows:

We each have different sets of desires, often conflicting with one another. We have to put a limit on our desires because, if followed out in action, they often get in each other’s way.

In traffic, we need rules of the road: you can’t drive on the wrong side of the road, you can’t pass cars on hills, you can’t exceed a certain speed, etc.

In life, we also need “rules of the road.” We have to refrain from doing certain things to one another, such as robbery and murder. So we need (1) moral principles, for people to obey voluntarily, and (2) laws, for people to be required to obey even if they don’t choose to do so voluntarily.

Not everyone will agree about what these rules should be. Should the rules prohibit adultery? abortion? deception or fraud? negligence? Should mentally incompetent people be excused from obeying them? And so on.

We can try to have the rules changed, but once a law is in force we should usually obey it. If everyone disobeyed laws when they felt like it, or even when they disapproved of the law, there would be much more chaos and less predictability in human relations, and all of us would be much less secure than we are now.

As readers well know, Ayn did not fundamentally disagree with most of these tenets. But she came at the whole enterprise in a very different way, much more precise than mine, and cutting lots of important ice in a variety of places.

When I first mentioned to her that I thought the government should do this or that, enact such-and-such a law, she would remind me that the government acts through coercion or threat of coercion: that if you want the government to tax other people for your pet project, you are in effect holding them up with a gun and forcing them to act in accordance with your wishes. You don’t wield the gun, but the government agent wields it on your behalf. And that’s all right if the government just protects you against aggression (retaliatory use of force), but not if it is to initiate aggression against others in order to achieve your ends. By the same token, why can’t it initiate aggression (e.g. forcibly raise taxes) to promote someone else’s ends at the expense of yours? If you can use force against A to make A support your favored project, why can’t A use force against you to make you an unwilling subsidizer of A’s project? It was all so obvious when pointed out, but I had never thought about it in that way before.

I had never formulated to myself Ayn’s precept, “No man should be a non-voluntary mortgage on the life of another.” But government helping one person at the expense of another is (Ayn reminded me) an obvious violation of this rule. If A’s life can forcibly be enslaved to fulfill B’s ends, why can’t B’s life be enslaved to fulfil A’s ends? And then it became a matter of who is strongest, or has the biggest gang.

I found Ayn most insightful of all on the topic of rights. (I later came to admire her paper “Man’s Rights” more than any other, though it was not yet written at the time of our discussions.) I had read much on that topic, but Ayn’s way of laying out the subject struck the jugular in a way that nothing else did. And gradually I came to treat more and more aspects of ethics and political philosophy under the rubric of rights. It also drew my thoughts toward a different magnetic pole: previously, my first question in evaluating a proposed law was “Whom does it benefit and whom does it hurt?” whereas Ayn’s first question was “Does it violate anyone’s rights?”

I had not thought of the American Constitution before as a distinctive rights-protector — protecting the rights of individuals against their encroachment by other individuals and (most of all) the government itself. And the rights defended in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, she pointed out, were all of the kind that I called negative rights — rights which demand only from others the duty of forbearance, or noninterference. The positive rights, such as “welfare rights,” all demanded as duties some positive action, such as using part of your paycheck to pay for government projects which are supposedly for the benefit of others. Such subsidies of course violated her voluntarism principle (no one should be a non-voluntary mortgage . . . ). In time I supplemented this with another argument, that only the negative rights are consistently universalizable (applicable to everyone). That is: “I have a right to speak freely” can hold true no matter how many people there are, but “I have a right to part of your income” can hold true only when there are enough other people in society to provide it. If there are not enough givers and too many takers, the principle becomes impossible to apply. Ayn’s input was like a gust of fresh air on a subject (political philosophy) which I had previously considered too dull to pursue — at least the current literature was, if not the subject itself. Prior to knowing Ayn, I was not very happy with any theory on the subject that I knew about. I had realized that in a civilized society you can’t let persons do what they want with their lives (such as nothing at all) and at the same time assure them that all their basic needs will be taken care of, courtesy of the state — for where would the state get the wherewithal to supply these needs if many people remained idle or didn’t (or couldn’t) contribute to it? But I had not resolved the matter in my own mind, nor had I thought of the issue systematically until I was hit with a huge blast of clearly enunciated political philosophy from Ayn Rand.

Gathering diverse data into a neat system had always been exciting to me, and the Randian political philosophy stimulated me to consider the subject seriously for the first time. At the same time, I was skeptical about the acceptability of any system, particularly a neat and elegant one, and was always looking for exceptions to test the system. If truth could be obtained only by sacrificing neatness and elegance, then they would have to be sacrificed. I was worried, for example, about the welfare problem. I could see that once the government got hold of tax money for this purpose, it was an invitation to graft and corruption, and that people are not as careful with other people’s money as they are with their own. And it might indeed be true that in a free unregulated economy there would be such abundance that there would be little or no need for welfare, because private charity would bridge the gap. But I simply could not make myself be sure of this. I was not sure that people’s charitable impulses would be expressed in sufficient quantity at the needed time and place. I thought of children living in grisly slum conditions, fatherless and largely untended. The fact (if it was a fact) that at some future time when the economy would be free and far more prosperous than now, such people would not be in need thanks to private charity, was no help to them now — the help they needed was immediate, and the children’s situation was not their own fault. And I was quite sure that some parents would always be so lazy or incompetent that they could not (or sometimes would not) hold any job at all, no matter how prosperous the economy — the general prosperity would simply pass them by.

I was even more convinced of the need for universal education. Without it, many children with high potential would not have the benefits of education, and their talents would simply be wasted — don’t they all deserve a chance? I was all in favor of competing private schools (rather than a government-run educational system), but I wanted to make sure that private benevolence would get to the right place at the right time and in sufficient amounts. I found myself more sure of the need for universal educational opportunity than I was of a political theory in which education was no concern of the state. I agonized over this. Ayn never assented to the view that private charity was “guaranteed to be sufficient.” The recipient had no right to receive what was not freely given, and if not enough was freely given, that was unfortunate but not immoral; what would be immoral would be to force the giver to give (which would be robbery). The moment you start nibbling away at a principle by making exceptions, the more you will be led to make further exceptions, and finally the whole principle will go up in smoke. Why could Ayn rest comfortably with this, while I could not? The marvelous passage in Atlas Shrugged beginning “Stand on an empty stretch of soil in a wilderness unexplored by men and ask yourself what manner of survival you would achieve . . .” kept hammering through my mind. If you penalize those who make life economically bearable for the rest of mankind, what hope is there for future improvement? It is not only impractical, but immoral, to kill the goose that lays the golden eggs. At the same time, here are the horribly deprived children of the ghetto, finding themselves in a situation not of their own making from which they could not extricate themselves without help. I was unhappy, even ashamed, that I could not resolve this burning issue to my own satisfaction. I would keep speaking of needs that could not be met through private charity — at least that was my fear. I would speak of the homeless and starving of the world. Each day’s headlines would call attention to more instances of this, usually in Africa or Asia. At last I think Ayn lost patience with me. Instead of agonizing over this, she said, I ought to take steps to ensure a free market in those countries. There is no greater creator of prosperity than the market. She was not against charity, she said. If a needy person came to her door, she would not say no. When she said this, I replied, “What of the thousands of people who can’t come to your door, because they’re too far away, too sick, too crippled, or are small orphaned children?” She then told me again somewhat brusquely that I was looking at the issue from the wrong end. I was viewing it from the point of view of the needy; I should look at it instead from the point of view of the producers of wealth — all charity would have to come from the surplus of their production (here she referred me to Isabel Paterson’s The God in the Machine). If production was not sufficient, these people would have to do without in any case. Charity must come from their surplus — and not a surplus wrung from them by coercive taxation, but whatever surplus they voluntarily chose to allot for this purpose. And then she described how an industrialist could do much more good by keeping his company solvent and his employees on the payroll than by selling it and giving the proceeds to charity. And unless I came up with some new ideas on this subject, she indicated, she considered the subject closed, not to be brought up again. But the subject kept coming into our conversations, even though only peripherally. I remember, for example, describing to her the situation of a person who contracts a disease that requires thousands of dollars each month in medical costs, which he can’t afford, and which insurance companies won’t take on. “It’s not his fault that he contracted the disease,” I said. “And neither is it anyone else’s fault,” Ayn retorted. I did not pursue the subject, but I remember reflecting that from the fact that it’s nobody’s fault nothing follows as to who should pay. I could often tell from her tone of voice that she was on the edge of anger, which would break out if I pursued the issue. For the sake of future discussions, I would decide to drop the issue this time around.

On another occasion I mentioned the inequality in the educational system, which did not confer as much time or money on children from the slums, or on those who could learn in time but could not keep up with the rest. “And what about the geniuses?” she asked — the ultra-bright children who could go ahead much faster, but were kept back by the mediocrities. One genius, a Newton or a Pasteur, could improve the lot of all humanity, but many of them, she thought, had been stifled by the educational system catering to the dull-witted. I quoted to her once Anatole France’s statement that the rich have as much right as the poor to sleep under bridges. “And who built the bridges?” she shot back at me like a bullet. Nothing aroused her ire faster than quotable quotes from liberals and leftists.

I invited her one day to teach my ethics class at Brooklyn College, and she accepted at once. The students were impressed, but it would have taken much longer than an hour to make her line of thought come home to them. On another occasion she visited my graduate ethics seminar, at which she made some apt comment about the emotive theory of ethics (which we were then discussing). She expressed some surprise that I let my students take just about any position they chose. I did point out logical fallacies and inconsistencies, and tried to bring out the hidden presuppositions of views which I thought they accepted too hastily, but I was far from anxious in class to get them to believe whatever I myself believed. I could see that Ayn was less tolerant of deviant beliefs; I explained to her that I was more concerned with how they came to believe what they did.

I told her that I thought the great danger was to accept a view, even true view, for an inadequate reason, or for the wrong reason, or no reason at all — or as an article of faith, because of a teacher’s magnetic personality. Such faiths, I said, could be adopted one day and discarded the next when another guru came along. Once they make their degree of conviction proportional to the actual evidence for a belief, they can be trusted to arrive at true beliefs themselves. It is the method more than the content that (I suggested) has to be taught — which was just what the American educational system was not doing.

She agreed, of course, that one should not accept beliefs on faith — though surely, I thought, she knew that many of her disciples came to espouse her views largely because of her personal magnetism. At any rate, Ayn wanted to guide them to “correct beliefs” more than I did, so as to be sure that they ended up in the right place.

We discussed many aspects of private property. Her view that all property, including roads, should be private was new to me, and fascinating. I remained a bit skeptical about roads, for it seemed to me that, like oceans, they are primarily ways to get from one place to another, and I didn’t think these should be in the hands of a private party who might be vindictive against certain persons or groups. The considerations that justified private ownership of houses and land did not seem to me to justify the private ownership of roads and navigable waters.

But our main disagreement occurred when I mentioned a car trip I had taken into the South when, as a student at Columbia University, I had been a fellow passenger with a black student. The moment we entered the South, there was no hotel or motel, and very few restaurants, that would accept him. I considered this grossly unjust; so did Ayn — an example of collectivism at its worst (racism being a particularly crude form of collectivism).  Our disagreement came when I said that motels should be required to serve persons regardless of race. But she held to her view that motels are private property and people should be able to admit whomever they choose on their own property. True, blacks were as entitled as whites to build motels, and then serve only blacks if they so chose. But the issue was academic — in view of history, and the economic status of most blacks, there just weren’t enough black property-owners in the South to make this a viable option. Again, I would make an exception to a principle in order to correct an injustice. And Ayn, perhaps seeing better than I did where this might lead, declined to make the exception.

I remember another argument we had, concerning censorship. Only government, she said, could be said to censor. I brought up the case of the Catholic Church censoring a book or film. She insisted that this was not censorship. A cardinal or pope may threaten excommunication for reading the book, but if one doesn’t like it one can leave the church that imposes such restrictions. The church can’t take away your citizenship or put you in prison. The government, by contrast, can do these things.

The question was whether these differences were sufficient to entitle us to say that it is censorship in the government case but not in the church case. One could slice that either way, I suggested. But suppose that I grant that the government can censor a film and the church can’t (i.e. what the church does isn’t censorship). What then of the following example? A book is published exposing the practices of certain drug companies and pharmaceutical houses. The drug companies don’t like this, but of course they can’t arrest anyone for buying the book. So they pay the publisher X thousands of dollars to withdraw the book permanently from circulation. The book is then as effectively stifled as if the government had banned it. Is that not censorship? No, not by Rand’s definition. Yet it has exactly the same effect as government censorship; would it really be false, or even unreasonable, to say that the book had been censored? Ayn opposed all government censorship, but she had no objection to the voluntary agreement between the publisher and the drug company.

One other aspect of political philosophy that seemed to bother Ayn as well as me was the problem of imperfect governments. A government that uses force only in retaliation against its initiation by others is entitled to our support. But every government in the world violates this principle (that force may be used only in retaliation). Even the act of collecting taxes is the initiation of force against citizens.

Under what circumstances then is a citizen obliged to do what his government decrees? What if the law says that you can’t use physical force to restrain the person who is in the process of stealing your car (you can’t commit a crime against a person to correct a crime against property)? That is the law in the United States; but suppose you don’t agree with that law. Must you obey it anyway? More serious still, what if the government itself is a rights-violator? Ayn would not say that the government of the U.S.S.R deserves our allegiance, or that we have a moral duty to obey it (e.g., to report our friends who criticize the government). But the government of the United States differs only in degree from such a government. Should we obey only those laws that do not violate the retaliatory force principle (that is, only laws in which the government is exercising its proper function, the retaliatory use of force against those who have initiated it, such as murderers and muggers)? But then are we free to ignore all the others, such as laws prohibiting polluting someone else’s property (or is pollution to be called a case of the initiation of force?)? It seems as if the phrase “initiation of force” isn’t very clear, and its application to cases far from obvious.

Suppose you head the government of Spain and the Basques rebel, seeking independence. Should you suppress the revolt or not? One view would be that you should suppress it in order to restore law and order, which after all is what government is all about — you can’t be expected to live in a state of civil insurrection. On the other hand, if you think the Basques have been served a bad hand for these many years, you will think their cause a just one, and if Spain suppresses the revolt then Spain is initiating force against those who only want their freedom. (And the same with Northern Ireland, etc.) I suggested that what you will call initiation and retaliation will depend on your sympathies. You will put down the rebellion if you think the Spanish are in the right; if you think they are not, you will encourage the rebellion in the cause of freedom (and perhaps argue that they are only retaliating against the past aggressions of Spain, in keeping them part of Spain when they wanted only to be independent). Let’s accept the non-initiation of force principle, I said. How to apply it in cases is very, very sticky. Your country may have started the war, but if you are a soldier and another soldier comes at you with a bayonet, you will retaliate (preventatively?) even though your country, or its government, had initiated the conflict.

What justifies government, I wondered, in raising an army and doing other things connected with national defense? Government, she said, is the delegated agent of the individual to act in his or her self-defense. (She described all this in her paper “The Nature of Government,” but that had not yet been written at the time of our discussions. Neither had any of her non-fiction works other than a very few short papers such as “Notes on the History of Free Enterprise” and “The Objectivist Ethics.”)

But this worried me. What about people who don’t want the government to act for them in such a capacity — either they don’t trust the government to do this, or for some other reason don’t desire the government to act as their agent? Ayn’s view (as I remember it) was that the government protects them whether they want the protection or not. (For example, it protects insane people although the insane people can’t give their consent.)

I was also concerned about how such delegation occurred. I don’t remember delegating my right of self-defense to government or indeed to any other person or institution. No contract was signed, nor was there, apparently, even an implicit agreement. But then there was a discussion of what constituted implicit agreement. John Locke, I said, held that continued residence implies consent, but surely this is mistaken — did continued residence in the U.S.S.R imply consent to that government? Like so many other issues, we played around with this one for awhile without coming to any definite conclusion.

Ayn and I had very different attitudes toward nature. I liked vacations in the mountains, swimming in lakes, tramping through the woods. She cared for none of these things. The city was man’s triumphant achievement; it was not nature but man’s changes on the face of nature in which she reveled. She had (I gathered) broken Frank’s heart by insisting on the move to New York City from their estate in the San Fernando Valley, where Frank had been in his element. But she had had enough of nature. She spoke movingly to me of Russian villages in which anything manmade was treasured. She spoke of having to walk, as a child, with her parents, through the Russian countryside from Leningrad to Odessa, to live with their uncle and escape starvation (her father had been classified as a capitalist by the Bolsheviks, and left to starve with his family in Leningrad). “Why should I help to pay for public beaches?” she once said. “I don’t care about the beach.”

I liked fresh fruit for dessert, and tried to avoid pastries. She, on the contrary, loved pastries; perhaps the fresh fruits reminded her too much of the wild nature of which she had had her fill in Russia. She tempted me with pastries when she and Frank took me to a restaurant, and I of course gave in and devoured as much pastry as she did.

Other than the details just mentioned, she seldom referred to her early years in Russia. She preferred to discuss principles rather than specifics. But when I mentioned tyrannies and dictators, her voice would become hard and unrelenting. She almost sputtered in indignation at the mention of Khruschev, who was then at the helm in the USSR. I suggested that there has been some improvement there since Stalin, and that people were being invited to write letters of complaint to newspapers, for example about pollution and industrial inefficiency. “So that they can smoke these people out and then arrest them!” she spit out, from as deep a reserve of anger as I had ever heard in her.

She may not have known much about psychology — and she admitted as much — but when it came to the psychology of tyrants, she was a master sleuth of human motivations. She knew, as if from inside, how tyrants think. And her voice, it seemed to me, contained the grim but unspoken residue of years of hurt, disappointment, and anger in being victimized by tyrannical governments and their incompetent and uncaring bureaucracies. (She specifically instructed me to read Ludwig von Mises’s little book Bureaucracy to see why bureaucracies always worked badly, and I did.)

I did not have the unpleasant associations with the wide open spaces that she did. I was concerned with conservation of natural resources, including wildlife, and worried about the deterioration of the soil and the extinction of species. I was concerned too about human overpopulation of the globe and its effect on nature, the animal kingdom, and man himself. She did not seem to share my concern. Nature was merely a backdrop for man. As for overpopulation, she was all for population expansion. She mentioned the vast stretches of Nevada and Wyoming, largely empty of human beings; the United States could double its population and still not be crowded. A capitalist economy could do all this and more. I did not deny that it could, but wondered how all these added people in the wastes of Nevada would make a living, and how they would get enough water, and what room would be left for wild animals and plants if the human race filled up all the cracks.

But I found no responsive chord in expressing these worries to her; this was a vein that could not be tapped. The most vividly-expressed concerns on my part evoked in her only a kind of incomprehension. Of course one could put this the other way round: that she could find in me no responsive chord by which to move me to the realization that these concerns were of no human importance.

I mentioned to her once that I thought the Europeans who settled America were in some respects more barbaric than the Indians they replaced: they robbed the Indians of their land, they decimated them with guns and smallpox, and robbed them of their food by wantonly killing their buffalo. What made the whites triumph, I opined, was not the superiority of their intellect or even the superiority of their political philosophy, but the superiority of their technology, specifically firearms. We had guns and the Indians didn’t; that was what defeated them, I said.

Native Americans were not among Ayn’s concerns. The greatness of the political ideal of the Founding Fathers overrode all the rest in her view. Not that she wanted Indians exterminated, of course — she wanted them to be a part of a nation operating on the principles of the American Constitution, citizens, voters, entrepreneurs if they chose to be. A proper government would have had a place for all races on equal terms. The shame that I, a descendent of some of these European intruders, felt at what my ancestors had done apparently was not felt by her. And what should have been done if the Indian wanted no part of the white man’s government is a topic that she never addressed; or whether, if the Indian had claimed all of America as his own, since he had been here first, this claim should be honored. That America had a  functioning Constitution limiting the power of government and promoting individual liberty — this, in her view, was such an extreme rarity in the history of nations, and such a unique event on this planet, as to justify whatever trouble it cost. The view of the white man as an interloper on another’s domain was strange indeed to one for whom America had been a beacon of light in a dark world — and which had meant for her the saving of one’s spirit and one’s very life.

On a visit to my parental home in Iowa I stopped to visit a colleague who had just returned from Peru. I had given Ayn my phone number in Iowa, and sure enough, she phoned. I remember asking her on the phone what she would say about the situation in Peru, where a few landowners (descendents of the Spanish conquistadors) owned almost all the land, leaving the native Indians little or nothing. Ayn remarked that if  they didn’t use all the land themselves, but let it lie fallow as I described, they could make a lot more money renting it out to the native Indians, and in the course of time the Indians with their earnings could buy portions of it back, so as to own it once again. But that won’t work, I said — the Spanish purposely let the land lie fallow (some of the most fertile land in the nation), as a matter of pride, to show others that they don’t need to cultivate it for profit. Thus the Indians can’t even share-crop any of it, and are forced to settle further up into the mountains on land whose soil is too thin to withstand the plow. I suggested that under such conditions a government policy of land redistribution was called for.

Such a torrent of abusive language against compulsory redistribution then came over the wire that my parents could hear it across the room. I could hardly get a word in. I had no idea that mention of compulsory redistribution would ignite such venom. I said why I thought it was usually a bad policy, but that in the conditions described it would probably be desirable, as when MacArthur did it in postwar Japan. But she would not hear of it. Dinner had been set on the table, and I motioned my parents to go on eating without me. But they didn’t, and by the time Ayn’s telephone tirade was over, half an hour later, the dinner was cold.

It was pleasant indeed to be invited to Ayn’s apartment to meet Mr and Mrs Henry Hazlitt and Mr and Mrs Ludwig von Mises. There wasn’t much shop talk, but it was wonderful to meet them and to socialize with them. (I later met with Henry Hazlitt numerous times in connection with his forthcoming book The Foundation of Morality.) I felt honored to be invited to join this distinguished company. I also enjoyed several luncheon meetings with Alan Greenspan.

I learned much more economics from my conversations with Ayn. But once I put my foot in it. She was explaining why, if some industry was to be deregulated, the businessman would have to be given fair warning, he would be unable to make the rational calculations he would have to make at the time.

I said nothing in response on that occasion. But a few weeks later, when she exclaimed that the New York taxicab medallions should be abolished at once, I said “But consider the taxi driver who has bought a medallion for $25,000 just before their abolition. He would lose that whole amount. Shouldn’t the taxi driver be given an interim period also for making his own rational calculations?”

She saw the point. “You bastard!” she exclaimed, and flounced out of the room to prepare tea. I could hear the cups clattering in the kitchen, and Frank trying to pour oil over troubled waters. When she returned to the living room she had partially regained her equanimity, but was still curt and tense.

I learned from that incident that it didn’t pay to be confrontational with her. If I saw or suspected some inconsistency, I would point it out in calm and even tones, as if it were “no big deal.” That way, she would often accept the correction and go on. To expose the inconsistency bluntly and nakedly would only infuriate her, and then there would be no more calm and even discussion that evening. I did not enjoy experiencing her fury; it was as if sunlight had suddenly been replaced by a thunderstorm. A freezing chill would then descend on the room, enough to make me shiver even in the warmth of summer. No, it wasn’t worth it. So what, if a few fallacies went unreported? Better to resume the conversation on an even keel, continue a calm exchange of views, and spare oneself the wrath of the almighty, than which nothing is more fearful.

At the same time, she was an inspiration to me. It was inspiring to talk with someone to whom ideas so vitally mattered. By presenting intellectual challenges she set my intellectual fires crackling in a new way. And she was largely responsible for renewing my spirits. I never got bored with teaching — I always enjoyed contact with students — but I had become discouraged about its results. A class ends, I seldom hear from the students again, and a new crop comes in with all the same errors and unquestioned prejudices and assumptions as the one before. I suppose this was to be expected, but I was often discouraged by the lack of improvement. Doubtless I could have noticed some if I had been able to follow the members of the class after they had had my courses. And as for changing the world from its ignorance and lethargy, there seemed little hope of this occurring; all the combined efforts of high school and college teachers seemed to do little to prevent wars or create happiness or even ease the human situation very much.

So I was surprised when Ayn said, “Yours is the most important profession in the world.”

I responded, “Important, but not very influential.”

“That’s where you’re wrong,” she said. “You deal in ideas, and ideas rule the world.” (I seldom quote Ayn directly, and do so only when I clearly remember exactly what she said.)

I objected rather lamely that I didn’t see any ideas molding the world, in fact that the world seemed quite indifferent to ideas. But she persisted that it was indeed ideas that ruled the world — and that if good ideas did not come to the fore, bad ones would rule instead. Nature abhors a vacuum, and it is when good ideas are not taught that a Hitler or a Lenin can come in, filling the vacuum, trying to justify the use of force (for example) against entire classes of victims, when even a modest amount of teaching about human rights would have shifted the battle of ideas and perhaps carried the day. She reiterated that it was ideas — specifically the ideas underlying the American Revolution — that had created the greatness of America. Prosperity had been a consequence of the adoption of these ideas; it occurred when physical labor was animated by an economic theory by which the work could be productive.

We came back to the subject many times, and I began to notice a new energy in my teaching, a new bounce in my attitude, as if the intellectual life was not fruitless after all, and as if I might even make a bit of real difference in the world. Not much in the whole scheme of things, to be sure; but later, when ex-students would say to me, “My whole life has been changed by your course,” or “Something you said at the end of your lecture one day years ago changed me forever,” the words not only buoyed me up, but made me aware of a fearsome responsibility. I don’t know whether I ever communicated to Ayn this gradual change in my professional attitude. In a way, she had saved my life. I wondered, much later, whether she ever knew this.

She did not take kindly to any recommended change in her writing, not even a single word. I was strongly in sympathy with this. Even if a word was appropriate in what it meant, it might not fit into the rhythm of the sentence or the idiom of the passage. But there is one occasion on which she gave way to me nonetheless. She showed me the typescript of her forthcoming introduction to Victor Hugo’s novel 1793. I then proceeded to read certain passages of it aloud to her. By this means, I convinced her that some passages were unidiomatic, and that certain words hindered the ambience rather than helping it. She went along with all my recommended changes. “Boy, do you have a feeling for words,” she said glowingly as she made the changes.

She was convinced that on my forthcoming trip to California I should call on her Hollywood producer, Hal Wallis. “He’s a movie producer,” I said; “I would have nothing to say to him. And he’d be about as interested in me as in a hole in the ground.”

Not so, she said. She said I had no idea what an intellectual inferiority complex these people have. “To have a philosopher come to them would be an honor to them,” she insisted.

But I had no idea what I would say if I did go; I would probably stand there with a mouthful of teeth. (And I never did follow her suggestion.) “Well, maybe I could write the script for the movie Atlas Shrugged,” I said, more than half in jest.

But at once she put her foot down, though in good humor. “Nathaniel Branden is going to write the script for Atlas Shrugged,” she said decisively, and that was that.

She reserved her best-chosen curse words for her philosophical arch-enemy, Immanuel Kant. She considered him the ultimate altruist and collectivist. Though not a Kantian, I did not share her extreme view of him. I invited her to read his book on philosophy of law, with its defense of individual rights, and certain sections of his Metaphysics of Morals in which he discussed duties to oneself. But it was all in vain. She insisted that these were only incidental details, but that the main thrust of Kant’s philosophy was profoundly evil. I did not consider him more altruistic than Christianity, and in some ways less so.

I did get her to acknowledge agreement, I think, with Kant’s Second Categorical Imperative, “Treat every person as an end, not as a means,” even though I tended to believe that the implications of this precept for ethical egoism might be ominous. And I told her that I thought she was also Kantian in her insistence on acting on principle (even though she and he didn’t share the same principles). I even thought that she shared some of his emphasis on universalizability: that if something is wrong for you to do it is also wrong for others (in similar circumstances), and that before acting one should consider the rule implied in one’s actions as it if were to become a universal rule of human conduct. She would praise impartiality of judgment as strongly as any Kantian. Sometimes, when we were discussing another view, such as existentialism, I would twit her, saying “You’re too Kantian to accept that, Ayn,” and she would smile and sometimes incline her head a bit, as if to admit the point before going on with the discussion.

The more I thought about it, the more I was convinced that the most fundamental distinction in practical ethics was between individualism and collectivism. Consider the American Civil War, I said. Assuming that it played a decisive role in eliminating slavery, wasn’t the result worth the loss of half a million lives? Yet it may well not have been worth it to the men who were drafted into the army to fight that war. The fact that it “helped the group” (the collective) may not have been much comfort to them.

Or consider the American Revolutionary War. It produced an enormous benefit, the founding of a free America, and was the most nearly bloodless of all major revolutions. Yet was it “worth it” to those who shed their blood fighting in the cause of independence? If you look at the group as a whole, the group was better off because those wars were fought; we’re glad that somebody did it. But if you look at the individuals, it was a case of some individuals sacrificing their lives so that others could live in freedom and prosperity.

Ayn’s response was that no human life should be sacrificed against that person’s will. If a person believes a cause to be worth it, such as freedom from slavery or oppression, then he may willingly sacrifice his life for that cause; but no one should be forced to do so. The sacrifices must be made voluntarily.

But are you enlisting voluntarily if you do it because you’ll be drafted anyway later? I wondered. Perhaps voluntariness is a matter of degree. And what if the Germans are invading France and the Germans draft all their young men and the French don’t? Then the French would be overrun and perhaps enslaved. To escape this fate, France institutes the draft. But this example didn’t deter Ayn. Then France is overrun, she said. (The principle of voluntariness must not be violated.) And maybe the prospect that this was going to happen would be sufficient to make most Frenchmen voluntarily enlist.

But then, I suggested, there is another problem: what is meant by “voluntary”?

You think about doing something, you deliberate, then do it. Nobody forces you or pressures you. Let’s take this as a paradigm case of voluntary action. On the other hand, someone with a loaded gun at your back says to you, “Your money or your life,” and you surrender your wallet. This is a case of coercion, and ordinarily we’d say you don’t give up your wallet voluntarily.

OK, now the problems begin. What exactly distinguished these cases? Some say that a voluntary act is one of which one can say that just before it one could have done otherwise. Thus the patellar reflex and other reflex actions are not voluntary; you can’t prevent the response.

But all our everyday actions are by that definition voluntary, including our response to the gunman: we could have, just before surrendering the wallet, decided not to surrender it. That was within our power. (Indeed, some would say, “Under the circumstances, you voluntarily chose to give up your money.”) The result of using this definition is that practically all our acts are voluntary, even the robber example used as a paradigm case of not being voluntary. So, I said, let’s take another criterion for voluntariness. With the gunman you can still choose, but your choices are limited by his actions. (You can choose to give your life rather than your money, whereas without his intervention you would have kept both.) The gunman limits your choices. But so does the employer when he fires an employee, or lays him off because the factory is losing money. The employee’s choices are now more limited, limited by the employer’s actions.

But has the employer coerced him? Some would say yes, though he didn’t threaten the employee’s life as in the gunman case. Others would say no, he only limits the employee’s choices. Indeed, the rainfall that prevents you from going to the picnic also limits your choices as to what to do that day. Our choices are limited hundreds of times a day — limited by a wide variety of conditions, human and non-human. (Our options are never limitless in any case.) So that definition won’t distinguish our two paradigm cases from each other; there is something in both cases to limit our choices.

Let’s try another, I persisted: an act is voluntary if it’s not forced. But now what exactly is the import of the verb “force”? Did he force you to give up your wallet, since you could have said no? Is the child whose parents say to him “Kill your pet dog or we’ll never feed you again” forced to kill his dog? Are you ever 100 percent forced, except when you are physically overpowered and literally can’t do anything else?

But very few acts are forced in this sense. When we say “He forced me to go with him,” we need not mean that he physically overpowered her, but rather that he threatened her or even that he “knew what buttons to push” to get her to do what he wanted. Shall we say in that case that she did his bidding voluntarily? No matter which definition we employ, there are cases that seem to slip between the cracks. Thus, saying “He did it voluntarily” doesn’t convey as clear a piece of information as most people think it does.

I concluded that when people say “He did it voluntarily” they usually have no idea of the complexities of meaning that can be plausibly attached to that word; they have no idea which fork in the road they would choose in deciding which meaning of several to take. They just blurt out the word. And that, I suggested, is what philosophical analysis is all about — by suggestion and example (“Would you say this is a case of X? No, then perhaps that would be?” etc.) to draw out the meaning behind the words — to pierce the veil of words so as to get a hold on those meanings. But the words constantly obscure this, often in a bewilderingly complex way. Yet it’s important to keep us from blurting out some quick and easy verbal formula. It’s not easy, and takes a lot of practice; as Brahms said of his second piano concerto, “It’s not a piece for little girls.”

But there it is, the difficulties are there, not only for “voluntary” but for “free” and “caused” and “responsible” and “intentional” (to take a few from just one area of philosophy). These are especially dense philosophical thickets, which require lots of thankless untangling. Most people haven’t the heart or the will to go through with it.  I fear my little lecture was pretty much lost on Ayn. Her philosophical aspirations lay in an entirely different area. And in time the tension between these approaches to doing philosophy is what probably marked the beginning of the end for us.  — Click here for Part 2 –>

(Originally published in Liberty magazIne, 1987)

When most people talked philosophy with Ayn Rand, the relationship was student to teacher. But with Rand and John Hospers, it was philosopher to philosopher.

The Future of American Leadership

by Allen West

Allen-West-Jr-ROTCToday I’m visiting Sandalwood High School in Jacksonville, Florida to visit  with the Cadets of the Junior Reserve Officers Training Corps (JROTC) unit.  I  try to visit JROTC units wherever I travel, because truth be told, my purpose  and direction in life started in JROTC back at Henry Grady High School in  Atlanta in 1976.

The importance of this program, along with Young Marines and Navy Sea Cadets  is invaluable to the future of America. Here is where we develop the next  generation of principled, courageous, and patriotic leaders for our nation. Here  is where we hone our young people in the areas of discipline, dedication, and  establish within them a sense of pride and purpose. I was fortunate to get all  of this in the inner city of Atlanta. Sadly, across the nation today, we see  widespread failure and lack of respect for authority. To this day, I still  remember the men who were my JROTC instructors: Lieutenant Colonel Pagonis,  Major Heredia, Master Sergeant Buchanan, and Sergeant First Class McMichael.

Fortunately for me I had both a mom and dad at home, but I also had these  exceptional men, combat veterans from Korea and Vietnam, who kept me on the  right path. They saw something in me as a young teenager I didn’t realize I had  in myself. I believe, I know, that the next generation of great military and  civilian leaders are there in our high schools wearing the respective uniforms  of our nation’s armed services.

It’s critical that we alumni of JROTC go back and be living examples for  these young men and women. Therefore, I challenge everyone out there who was  once a JROTC Cadet to go back to your school and speak to the current group of  Cadets. I implore you to give them a target to aim for, and provide a goal for  which they can strive to achieve. Let these young men and women know the  greatness of America and that they do not and should not have to settle for  anything less. Don’t let these young men and women end up following examples so  prevalent in our culture, which are not so positive.

Libertarianism John Hospers 2013 Edition

Libertarianism 2013 Edition: A Political Philosophy for Tomorrow

Now available in paperback and eBook formats

Libertarianism-2013-EditionThe Original Book by John Hospers that Inspired the Worldwide Political Movement

John Hospers on What Libertarianism Is:

1) No one is anyone else’s master, and no one is anyone else’s slave.
2) Other people’s lives are not yours to dispose of.
3) No human being should be a non-voluntary mortgage on the life of another.

Dr. Hospers sees these as three versions of the same absolute right of personal liberty. In other words, assuming we are talking about mentally-able individuals, no person can make their life better by reducing the liberty of another person.

For the same reason that slavery is wrong, it is equally wrong to involuntarily deprive others of their time or money. The basic human rights of life and liberty cannot exist without a right to property. The benefits I create for myself are MINE, and to take them away (or to make me work for another’s benefit without my consent) is wrong.

RIGHTS are ONLY to be understood as involving duties of forbearance or restraint. In other words, so-and-so’s right to property is nothing more than the duty that others have to refrain from taking that property for themselves.

Rights belong naturally to us. Rights are not something given to us by governments. Rights are claims that we make AGAINST governments! If I have a right to benefit from my own labor, then the government is wrong to take any of those benefits from me without my consent.

“The only proper role of government … is that of the protector of the citizen against aggression by other individuals.”

•Because governments has the role of “protector,” government must possess enough force/power to protect its citizens (e.g., by having a police force and/or military and a related system for punishing or neutralizing those who practice aggression against others).

•Aggression against others includes unintended harms to others. Government also has a role in deciding and settling claims of harm by others.

•Other than providing for these legitimate functions, government has no right to tax its citizens for any purpose whatsoever.

•Government should intervene only in a RETALIATORY situation. The government must never INITIATE an action to create a better world — it is not the business of government to make an advance decision about what counts as benefit. Through laws, government can prohibit various aggressive actions, but it cannot require the bringing about of supposedly beneficial ones.

Government charity, social programs, public works, etc., require one person to pay for the benefits that another person will receive. However, doing this through involuntary taxation is theft of property.



“For many decades, news reports on the intellectual activities of the younger generation have been confined almost exclusively to advocates of statism and collectivism. Only recently have there appeared the first acknowledgements, in the newspapers, of a rising interest among the younger generation in political philosophy that stands in radical contrast to this authoritarian trend: Libertarianism.

“Now, Professor John Hospers, Director of the School of Philosophy of the University of Southern California, has given us, in his latest book, a clear statement of the central political-economic positions of this young intellectual movement. The book is offered, not as an original work of philosophy, but rather as an attempt to delineate the major positions on which most Libertarians would agree — and to answer many of the objections and questions with which Libertarians have to contend.

“Libertarianism is very simply and clearly written and requires no technical knowledge on the part of the reader. Enjoyable, informative reading.”

– Nathaniel Branden, Author of THE PSYCHOLOGY OF SELF-ESTEEM

About John Hospers:

As co-founder of the national Libertarian Party and as the author of the exceptionally readable book Libertarianism and numerous articles on liberty and politics, Dr. Hospers became the Libertarian Party’s first candidate for President of the United States in 1972, garnering an electoral vote in that election.